Alabama News

“Ramp-and-dump” – that’s probably not a term you’ve heard before. But the terms have caught the attention of the FBI, which has issued a warning to the public about the latest scheme targeting social media and messaging app users.

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The “ramp-and-dump” scheme works like this:

Scammers, typically from outside the country, target U.S. investors through online platforms, such as social media ads or messages, urging them to join an “investment club.” The “club” is advertised as being made up of fellow investors, but is actually bots or fake accounts. The perpetrators may impersonate legitimate brokerage firms or well-known stock analysts and direct targets to a secure messaging app where the group operates.

What targets don’t know is that the scammers control a large volume of low-priced stocks and encourage members to purchase shares, therefore driving up the price – that’s the “ramp up” part.

Once the price is artificially inflated, the criminals sell off, or “dump” their shares at a profit and the unsuspecting investors are left with significant losses as the value collapses.

So far in 2025, the FBI said it’s seen a 300% increase in victim complaints from ramp-and-dump schemes.

Double-check

The FBI offers the following tips to protect yourself from ramp-and-dump schemes:

• Beware of unsolicited investment tips received via “accidental” text messages or social media advertisements that link to online investment clubs, often hosted on secure messaging apps.
• Double-check claims that purport to be from well-known financial advisors or wealth managers offering exclusive stock recommendations through online clubs;
• A sure sign of a scam is pressure to act quickly based on a supposed market-moving event — such as a company breakthrough, new technology, or government approval.

If anyone requests your personal information, access to your financial accounts, or offers other benefits in exchange for sharing your information or opening an account, consider this a red flag; your information could be used to open an account through which another party can use to manipulative activity, the FBI warned.

It’s probably not a surprise that Huntsville is ranked as the smartest city in Alabama but it’s also one of the brightest in the U.S. After all, the nickname “The Rocket City” is well earned and that requires an educated workforce.

But how does Huntsville and the rest of Alabama stack up against the rest of the U.S.? WalletHub recently ranked the most educated cities in the U.S. Here’s what they found:

1. Overall Rank & Total Score

It sits just behind Colorado Springs, CO, Portland, ME and Provo, UT. Huntsville takes the #15 spot in WalletHub’s most educated cities in the country.

The Rocket City scored 72.01 out of 100 as its total score. WalletHub compared 150 of the largest metropolitan areas in the United States across 11 key metrics. Some key qualities include the percentage of adults over 25 years old with a bachelor’s degree or higher, the quality of the public school system, and the gender education gap.

2. Educational Attainment

Educational attainment refers to the highest level of education that someone has completed. Huntsville ranks #22 in this category, meaning the city has a high rate of completing educational degrees. According to census data, 91.6% of people over 25 years old completed high school or higher and 46.2% have a bachelor’s degree or higher. That’s higher than the national average of 37.9%.

3. Quality of Education & Equity

Huntsville’s highest score is in the “Quality of Education & Attainment Gap” category. This prioritizes the quality of the public school system and the average quality of universities, like the University of Alabama in Huntsville, Alabama A&M and more. There are even satellite campuses in the city, like the University of Alabama at Birmingham and Georgia Tech.

Other qualities include the racial and gender education gaps in Huntsville, plus the city’s Education Equality Index Score.

4. Southern Impact

Huntsville is only one of four Southern cities that cracked the top 20 of the smartest cities list. Others include Durham-Chapel Hill, NC, which houses three major research institutions, and large metropolitan cities, Raleigh, NC and Austin, TX.

Only one other Alabama city made the top 100 smartest cities. Birmingham-Hoover, AL ranked #79. Montgomery came in at #103 and Mobile was #127.

5. Hub for STEM industries

Huntsville isn’t just highly educated, it’s one of the best places in the country to put that education to work, according to a recent study.

According to a report from Coworking Cafe, Huntsville ranked #4 in the nation among mid-sized cities for STEM jobs. The city leads the country with the highest concentration of STEM jobs, with over 23% of local employment tied to science, technology, engineering, or math. It’s also home to the 7th-highest number of STEM establishments per capita and boasts the 8th-lowest unemployment rate among peer metros.

Professionals in this sector can find opportunities at more than 400 science and tech employers, ranging from major defense contractors like BAE Systems to emerging health tech startups like Bragg Peak Systems and Cubic. Institutions like the University of Alabama in Huntsville help feed this talent pipeline, offering a steady stream of engineering and computer science graduates.

And while the science jobs are abundant, the cost of living stays grounded. Huntsville is almost 6% more affordable than the national average, giving residents more spending power. STEM professionals in the area earn an average of over $94,000 annually, just shy of the national STEM wage of $96,000.

6. Why it Matters

WalletHub reports that people with higher levels of education have higher salaries. That can fuel economic growth and tax revenue. According to the Economic Policy Institute, the more that graduates earn, the more taxes they will contribute over time, leading cities to a greater return on educational investment.

Looking for a private school option in Alabama? Families can now use education savings accounts to pay some of the cost – but they still must find and apply to a school that fits their needs.

AL.com compiled a list of private schools that are currently open and operating around the state. For the first time, families can see a list of 226 private schools, 2025 tuition rates if posted and whether schools participate in the new CHOOSE tax credit program. Scroll down to see the list.

“We’re a true slice of what the community of Montgomery has to offer, and we’re proud of that,” Justin Constanza, president of Montgomery Catholic Preparatory School, told AL.com.

(Can’t see the table? See it here. AL.com’s full database of private schools is available here.)

Alabama does not regulate private schools. AL.com used National Center for Education Statistics and Alabama Department of Revenue data to compile a list of schools that are open in 2025, have a physical address in Alabama and serve children in first grade and above.

We excluded online-only programs, tutoring centers, child care centers and ad hoc homeschool co-ops. We also excluded schools that did not list 2025 enrollment or tuition information. We found schools in 49 of Alabama’s 67 counties.

How much does a private education cost?

Some private schools charge families more than it costs to attend college. The most expensive private school in the state is the Altamont School with a rough annual cost of $30,632 in 2025, though some families may receive discounts or scholarships.

The median annual tuition in our dataset is $7,200 – about the same amount offered in new education savings accounts. Families should review a school’s price sheet, which may include additional fees, discounts or scholarships.

Evaluating private school options

Even if a family can afford a local private school, it may be tough to claim a seat: Students may need to take a test and academically qualify. They may need to sign a statement of faith at a religious school. And they may need to decide to forgo certain services for transportation, disabilities, school meals, extracurriculars and more.

In Shelby County, Hilltop Montessori’s tuition costs between $12,762 and $14,390 annually; families can claim a $7,000 CHOOSE Act education savings account to defray some of the cost.

Head of School Emily Nelson said Hilltop uses a “rigorous” accreditation process and holistic Montessori curriculum. Students get personalized materials and instruction.

“We’re always reflecting on what we do for students and asking the question, ‘Is this what’s best for kids? Is this educational best practice? Can we do better?’” Nelson said.

AL.com examined more than 200 private schools participating in the CHOOSE program. We discovered a vast range of offerings that differ widely in price, curricula and admissions requirements. Some schools hire experienced teachers and use high-quality curriculum. Others do not follow recommended practices for teacher certification or for instruction in reading, math or science.

One of the oldest schools in the state is UMS-Wright Preparatory Academy, founded in 1893; the newest is Kingdom Heights Preparatory Academy, which opened this year.

AL.com journalists Breonna Atkins and Diane Mwai contributed to this reporting

If you’re looking to stretch your dollar, rural America might be the place to do it.

A new analysis by 24/7 Wall St. ranks the 50 least expensive counties to live in across the U.S., which used cost-of-living data from the U.S. Department of Commerce and supplemental data from the Census Bureau’s 2023 American Community Survey.

Most of the counties on the list are located in the South and with median home values 16% to 80% lower than the national average, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

The counties on the list are home to relatively low-income populations. The average American household brings in $77,719 per year, while most of the least expensive counties have an average income of less than $55,000, reported 24/7 Wall St.

These lower costs in the least expensive counties are primarily due to smaller populations where demand for goods and services tends to be lower, pushing consumer prices down.

According to the analysis, counties in Mississippi, Arkansas, Alabama, and Oklahoma dominate the list, suggesting that the South continues to be one of the most affordable regions in the country.

These are the 25 least expensive counties to live in:

1. Baca County, Colorado

• Estimated cost of living: 25.2% lower than national average
• Median household income: $40,380 (48% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $122,000 (64.1% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 1.3% (3.9 ppt. lower than national average

2. Santa Cruz County, Arizona

• Estimated cost of living: 24.4% lower than national average
• Median household income: $53,614 (31.0% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $216,000 (36.5% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 10.5% (5.3 ppt. higher than national average

3. Greenlee County, Arizona

• Estimated cost of living: 21.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $75,239 (3.2% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $136,300 (59.9% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 3.5% (1.7 ppt. lower than national average

4. Franklin County, Alabama

• Estimated cost of living: 21.3% lower than national average
• Median household income: $51,493 (33.7% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $128,000 (62.4% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 3.6% (1.6 ppt lower than national average

5. Kemper County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $43,595 (43.9% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $90,200 (73.5% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 11.0% (5.8 ppt higher than national average

6. Tishomingo County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $46,257 (40.5% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $132,500 (61.1% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 3.1% (2.1 ppt. lower than national average

7. Cheyenne County, Colorado

• Estimated cost of living: 20.8% lower than national average
• Median household income: $67,768 (12.8% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $187,100 (45% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 1.9% (3.3 ppt lower than national average

8. Leake County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.5% lower than national average
• Median household income: $48,418 (37.7% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $114,600 (66.3% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 6.7% (1.5 ppt. higher than national average

9. Prentiss County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.5% lower than national average
• Median household income: $51,446 (33.8% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $116,500 (65.8% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 3.5% (1.7 ppt. lower than national average

10. Clay County, Alabama

• Estimated cost of living: 20.5% lower than national average
• Median household income: $51,852 (33.3% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $144,700 (57.5% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 3.5% (1.7 ppt. lower than national average

11. Jefferson County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.3% lower than national average
• Median household income: $36,207 (53.4% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $81,400 (76.1% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 5.0% (0.2 ppt. lower than national average

12. Winston County, Alabama

• Estimated cost of living: 20.3% lower than national average
• Median household income: $48,032 (38.2% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $110,500 (67.5% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 4.2% (1.0 ppt. lower than national average

13. Benton County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.1% lower than national average
• Median household income: $42,139 (45.8% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $109,300 (67.9% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 2.7% (2.5 ppt. lower than national average

14. Wilkinson County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.1% lower than national average
• Median household income: $35,930 (53.8% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $80,200 (76.4% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 7.5% (2.3 ppt. higher than national average

15. Union County, New Mexico

• Estimated cost of living: 20.1% lower than national average
• Median household income: $45,319 (41.7% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $135,900 (60.1% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 6.6% (1.4 ppt. higher than national average

16. Winston County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 20.0% lower than national average
• Median household income: $49,071 (36.9% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $121,200 (64.4% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 7.9% (2.7 ppt. higher than national average

17. Scott County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 19.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $48,492 (37.6% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $89,900 (73.6% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 4.4% (0.8 ppt. lower than national average

18. Lamar County, Alabama

• Estimated cost of living: 19.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $47,447 (39.0% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $112,700 (66.9% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 6.4% (1.2 ppt. higher than national average

19. Attala County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 19.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $48,098 (38.1% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $107,600 (68.4% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 6.0% (0.8 ppt. higher than national average

20. Prowers County, Colorado

• Estimated cost of living: 19.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $57,601 (25.9% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $150,900 (55.6% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 4.8% (0.4 ppt. lower than national average

21. Tippah County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 19.9% lower than national average
• Median household income: $51,141 (34.2% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $128,400 (62.3% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 5.3% (0.1 ppt. lower than national average

22. Neshoba County, Mississippi

• Estimated cost of living: 19.8% lower than national average
• Median household income: $53,087 (31.7% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $96,600 (71.6% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 8.1% (2.9 ppt. higher than national average

23. Sedgwick County, Colorado

• Estimated cost of living: 19.8% lower than national average
• Median household income: $52,833 (32.0% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $142,700 (58.1% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 2.3% (2.9 ppt. lower than national average

24. Apache County, Arizona

• Estimated cost of living: 19.6% lower than national average
• Median household income: $40,338 (48.1% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $68,500 (79.9% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 10.0% (4.8 ppt. higher than national average

25. Fayette County, Alabama

• Estimated cost of living: 19.5% lower than national average
• Median household income: $50,733 (34.7% lower than national median)
• Median home value: $121,200 (64.4% lower than national median)
• 5-year average unemployment rate: 9.5% (4.3 ppt. higher than national average

What are the least expensive counties in Alabama?

Alabama has 10 of the least expensive counties in the country, according to 24/7 Wall St. Their rankings place Franklin County as having the lowest cost of living at 21.3% below the national average. The county has a median household income of $51,493 (33.7% lower than the national median), a median home value of $128,000, and a 5-year average unemployment rate of 3.6% (1.6 percentage points lower than the national average).

A 23-year-old woman was killed in a single-vehicle crash Montgomery County crash that injured four others, including three children.

Alabama State Troopers on Tuesday identified the fatality victim as Love T. Dixon. She lived in Montgomery.

The wreck happened at 3:33 p.m. Sunday on Interstate 85, about three miles east of Montgomery.

 ALEA Capt. Jeremy Burkett said Dixon was a passenger in a Chevrolet Tahoe that left the interstate and hit a guardrail before overturning and landing back on I-85.

Dixon, Burkett said, was not using a seat belt at the time of the crash and was ejected from the SUV. She was pronounced dead on the scene.

The driver of the Tahoe, 35-year-old Katrina M. Holloway, was also not using a seat belt and was ejected. She was taken to Baptist Medical Center South.

Burkett said three children – ages 4, 6, and 9, were in injured and taken to area hospitals.

The crash remains under investigation by troopers.

Wes Allen spent Monday touting his record as Alabama’s Secretary of State, which includes purging 5,500 dead voters, flagging hundreds of thousands more for removal, and championing laws that push back on election practices embraced in other states.

But Allen isn’t asking voters to return him to that job in 2026. He wants a promotion, though it was something he only spoke briefly about before a group of Mobile County Republicans on Monday.

Allen is running for lieutenant governor, setting up a rare face-off between sitting constitutional officers: Allen and Rick Pate, Commissioner of Agriculture and Industries.

In the early going, the two candidates are touting their experiences as they take early leads in fundraising or endorsements. While Allen is leaning on his statewide record and government resume, Pate is emphasizing his business background and small-town mayoral experience.

“It’s an open seat,” Allen told AL.com before addressing the Mobile County GOP. “It’s another opportunity for my track record. There will not be anyone else in the race with judicial experience, the legislative experience that knows how the legislative process works and at the executive level now as the Secretary of State.”

Also in the race: Opelika pastor Dean Odle, a 2020 gubernatorial candidate; real estate broker Nicole Wadsworth; and possibly Alabama GOP Chairman John Wahl, who says he’s “seriously considering” a run.

Former Alabama Secretary of State John Merrill, who has butted heads with Allen in recent months over personal and professional matters, is also considering a run for the seat.

Incumbent Republican Lt. Gov. Will Ainsworth is term-limited.

The lieutenant governor the second ranking officer of the executive branch in Alabama, and is the first officer in line to succeed the governor. The lieutenant governor serves as the presiding officer of the Alabama Senate.

Alabama is one of only five states in which voters elect the lieutenant governor and governor separately.

Early activity

Allen and Pate have raced out to an early advantage in campaign fundraising. Allen led the month by raising $128,300 in June from mostly contributions from individuals and businesses, ending the month with $259,651.

Pate raised $36,300 last month, ending June with $269,796 in campaign funds. He boosted his campaign through a $100,000 loan on June 10, and $133,731 in support from a political action committee called Friends of Rick Pate.

Wadsworth ended June with $37,160 in campaign funds, and Odle closed the month with $12,573.

Allen is a former probate judge in Pike County. He served in the Alabama House for one term before running and winning the Alabama Secretary of State’s race in 2022. He defeated another constitutional officer in that year’s GOP primary when he handily turned away former Alabama Auditor Jim Zeigler.

Allen could have run for re-election but is opting to run for the No. 2 state office behind governor.

The race comes with political risks for Allen. Pate has already secured one key endorsement, from the Alabama Grocers Association, and is hopeful his agricultural background will land perhaps the biggest conservative endorsement in the race from the Alabama Farmers Federation’s FarmPAC. Allen, in past races, has also gotten FarmPAC’s backing.

“Wes is a good guy,” Pate said. “I’m not throwing him under the bus. You have to pick one of us. So I would hope what (I have) accomplished in 6-1/2 years compared to what he has done … we bring completely different skills to the table.

He added, “I just bring a different set of skills to play. We’ve done so much as far as getting fresh fruits and vegetables to farmer markets and schools. We’re trying to have less processed foods. I’ve brought more money back to the state than any Agriculture Commissioner combined in state history.”

Pate said he hasn’t worked much yet on fundraising, noting that the primary was still over 10 months away. He said he is working on securing endorsements, and anticipates “the money coming from them.”

Allen, asked how vital endorsements are ahead of the primary, said “we’re working hard. We’re asking people for our vote and will continued to do that until the election in 2026.”

Secretary of State

For now, Allen is focused on touting his time as Secretary of State. During his speech before the Mobile County GOP, he didn’t address his intentions for the lieutenant governor’s seat until after his presentation and during a Q&A session.

He said there are 167 boards and commissions the lieutenant governor appoints, and vowed to “make sure we are appointing solid, conservative individuals” to them.

Allen has followed a conservative approach toward the Secretary of State role, and touted that background before the Mobile Republicans. He praised his efforts to purge the state’s voter rolls, including overseeing the removal of non-citizens. That led to a federal lawsuit last year by the U.S. Department of Justice under former President Joe Biden’s administration. The case was dismissed last month by Department of Justice under President Donald Trump.

“We were very confident that the facts in that case were on our side,” Allen said. “We were thankful the Trump DOJ dismissed the lawsuit.”

Allen also praised the efforts by Alabama Republican lawmakers to pass legislation preventing the state from implementing ranked-choice voting (RCV). The system allows voters to rank candidates in their order of preference, similar to how the Top 25 in college football is decided, until a winner is determined.

Often called an “instant runoff” election, RCV is viewed as an alternative to the expensive primary runoff elections that occur in Southern states including Alabama.

“It’s a recipe for disaster,” Allen said. “The way we do it now … with the top two primary winners in a runoff is the best way forward.”

It’s official: The One Big, Beautiful Bill, the legislative package formalizing most of President Donald Trump’s second-term agenda, became law with the president’s signature on July 4.

The bill is not without its controversies, of course. But one provision should be of interest to all current or expecting parents: The establishment of “Trump Accounts,” a new type of tax-deferred retirement account for American kids.

The Trump Accounts share some similarities with traditional IRAs and others with 529 college savings accounts. But they also have some quirks that make them totally unique.

So, should you consider a Trump Account for your children? Let’s take a look and compare them to some of the existing options out there.

Only a fool turns down free money

Let’s cut to the most important part first. All children born between January 1, 2025, and December 31, 2028, will be eligible for a $1,000 seed payment directly from the U.S. Treasury.

There are no income limitations. The only requirements are that the child is a U.S. citizen with a valid Social Security number and that at least one parent must also have a valid Social Security number.

That’s it.

So, if your child was born this year or if you have any new children born through 2028, yes, you should open a Trump Account for them. It costs you nothing to claim the $1,000, and there is no downside.

Even if you have no intention of ever adding another nickel to the account, you should open one to claim the payment. Assuming the account grows at the S&P 500’s average compound return of around 10%, that $1,000 deposit would be worth over $490,000 by the time your kid hits retirement age.

As for whether the accounts make sense for your children born prior to 2025, that’s a more complex answer. Let’s dig into that now.

What is a Trump account for a child born before 2025?

Parents can contribute up to $5,000 per year per kid into a Trump Account. This figure will be indexed to inflation starting in 2027. You can contribute annually up until the year they turn 18. The proceeds must be invested in a low-cost index fund tracking a major index like the S&P 500, and the funds are untouchable until the child turns 18.

The way the bill is written, it looks as if the only option of how to invest the funds in a Trump Account will be a 100% allocation to stocks. It’s unclear if Trump Accounts will allow more conservative blended investments in the future.

As an added quirk, employers are allowed to contribute up to $2,500 of the $5,000, and it will not be counted as income for either the parent or the child. So, we could see Trump Accounts offered on the standard menu of employer benefits alongside 401(k) plans or HSAs in the years ahead.

Though they are expected to look and feel like a traditional IRA account, there are a couple important differences.

Trump Accounts vs traditional IRAs

To start, unlike IRAs, Trump Accounts have no earned income requirement. That’s a key distinction. In order to invest in an IRA, your child would have to have earned income from work, even if it is something informal like mowing lawns or babysitting. A newborn infant obviously can’t work, so your ability to fund an IRA for a young child is limited.

Unlike IRAs, contributions to a Trump account are not tax deductible. You get no tax break for contributing. Earnings grow tax-free, however. And here’s an interesting twist: IRA distributions are taxed as ordinary income, but distributions from Trump Accounts will be taxed as the generally lower long-term capital gains rate of 15% to 20%.

Trump Accounts are designed to be very difficult and expensive to liquidate before the age of 18. But as of now, there are no required minimum distributions (RMDs) once you hit retirement age. This may change, of course, but one potential advantage of a Trump Account over an IRA is the lack of RMD.

Trump Accounts vs other savings accounts

There are a few things to note.

Trump Accounts are not college savings accounts. If you’re looking to specifically save for college, then a 529 plan is going to be better tailored to that purpose.

Maxing out your own 401(k) or IRA should also take precedence. It’s great to give your kid a head start in life if you have the financial flexibility to do it. But it doesn’t make sense to set your son or daughter on the path to early retirement until you’ve adequately provided for your own golden years.

If your child has earned income, then contributing to a Roth IRA is going to be a better option. The Roth IRA contribution limits are higher (currently $7,000) and withdrawals in retirement are completely tax-free.

Finally, the core benefit of the Trump Account – tax-free compounding of returns – is already available in a regular everyday brokerage account. Simply buying and holding an S&P 500 index fund will allow your investment to compound without any taxable gains other than miniscule taxes on dividends paid, and you maintain the flexibility to take the funds out early if you need them.

Should you get a Trump Account for your child?

So, let’s return to our original question: Should you consider a Trump Account for your child?

Under the right circumstances, absolutely.

If your child qualifies for the $1,000 gift from Uncle Sam, you should at a bare minimum open an account to take advantage of it.

Beyond that, you should take care of your own retirement planning and your kid’s college education planning first. But if you have those largely covered, then adding a Trump Account to the mix can’t hurt.

Your son or daughter will thank you when they turn 18.

All contents copyright 2025 The Kiplinger Washington Editors, Inc. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC

The IRS says pastors who endorse political candidates from the pulpit should not have to risk losing their tax-exempt status.

The move effectively calls for a carve out for religious organizations from the rarely used IRS rule called the Johnson Amendment, put in place in 1954 and named after then-Sen. Lyndon Johnson.

In a joint court filing intended to end an ongoing case against the IRS, the tax collection agency and the National Religious Broadcasters Association — a Evangelical media consortium — and other plaintiffs have asked a federal court in Texas to stop the government from enforcing the Johnson Amendment against the plaintiffs.

The Johnson Amendment is a 1954 amendment to the U.S. tax code that prohibits tax-exempt organizations, including churches, from endorsing or opposing political candidates.

The Christian media group and others filed suit against the IRS last August, stating that the amendment violates their First Amendment rights to the freedom of speech and free exercise of religion, among other legal protections. On Monday, the IRS and plaintiffs wrote that the Johnson Amendment should be interpreted “so that it does not reach communications from a house of worship to its congregation in connection with religious services through its usual channels of communication on matters of faith.”

The New York Times was first to report the news of the court filing.

The IRS has generally not enforced the Johnson Amendment against houses of worship for speech related to electoral politics.

President Donald Trump has said he wanted to get rid of the Johnson Amendment and signed an executive order in 2017 directing Treasury to disregard the rule.

“I will get rid of and totally destroy the Johnson Amendment and allow our representatives of faith to speak freely and without fear of retribution,” Trump said at a National Prayer Breakfast in 2017, which is a high-profile event bringing together faith leaders, politicians and dignitaries.

Representatives from the IRS and the National Religious Broadcasters Association did not respond to an Associated Press request for comment.

Earlier this year, Republican lawmakers introduced legislation to remove the Johnson Amendment.

Oteil Burbridge doesn’t recall where the idea came from: Make a bass guitar version of Grateful Dead legend Jerry Garcia’s custom guitar known as “Wolf.”

But Burbridge — who resided in Birmingham, Alabama for 18 years early in his career –- now has his own Wolf-style bass, which he’s dubbed “Dire Wolf,” after a classic Dead song. “It’s like a dream to me,” Burbridge wrote on social media July 2. “However it happened, it’s all actually happening!”

It’s fitting he should possess such an instrument. Since 2015, Burbridge has played bass in Grateful Dead spinoff band Dead & Company, which recently played a run of shows at state-of-the-art Las Vegas venue The Sphere.

“Wolf has some unique properties,” Burbridge wrote on socials. “You can hear it on the tapes. Of course, a lot of that is Jerry but it’s distinct. I’m so curious to see how those unique properties translate two octaves lower!”

Garcia’s Wolf was built by Doug Irwin, who crafted five custom guitars for the Dead singer/guitarist, who died in 1995 at age 53. In addition to Wolf, Garcia’s Irwin-made guitars included instruments named Eagle, Tiger, Wolf Jr. and Rosebud. Irwin also made instruments for Grateful Dead bassist Phil Lesh.

Burbridge’s Dire Wolf bass is by Doug Asher, a Los Angeles luthier who’s crafted instruments for stars like Warren Haynes, Jackson Browne, Fleetwood Mac, Paul Simon, and Dixie Chicks.

“The first piece of wood for this guitar was cut from the same batch of wood that Jerry’s Wolf was made with,” Burbridge wrote. “I almost cried when Bill Asher sent me the video of Doug Irwin up out of his wheelchair cutting it himself.”

Burbridge’s Dire Wolf bass features a quilted finish and several switches and knobs for tonal options. A wolf decal, too. All echoing the look of Garcia’s guitar.

The bass is a gift from Grateful Guitars Foundation, an organization that describes itself as “a nonprofit obtaining world-class musical instruments for talented players carrying on the tradition of jam band music into the 21st century and beyond, while also partnering with music-education nonprofits in seeding the next generations of players.”

Grateful Guitars Foundation’s bass gift to Burbridge is accompanied by a $5,000 donation to Can’dAid, a Colorado nonprofit with “programs provide tools and access for under-resourced communities to lead healthy, active, and creative lives.”

In his post, Burbridge said he planned to debut the Dire Wolf bass at the Jerry Garcia Symphonic Celebration, held July 6 at Colorado’s famed Red Rocks Amphitheater. That show featured the Colorado Symphony and jam-band standouts including Widespread Panic drummer Duane Trucks and Phish bassist Mike Gordon.

In addition to Burbridge, Dead & Company’s current lineup boasts two classic era Grateful Dead members, singer/guitarist Bob Weir and drummer Mickey Hart. Blues pop heartthrob John Mayer features on lead guitar. Jeff Chimenti and Jay Lane, two longtime Weir collaborators, are on keyboards and drums respectively.

With Dead & Company, Burbridge carries the flame for Phil Lesh, who died in 2024. Of walking in Lesh’s footprints, Burbridge said in 2015, ” I doubt anyone can sound like Phil. He’s unique. I can tell it’s him in 10 seconds.”

Alabama’s Grateful Dead connections also include Shoals native Donna Jean Godchaux, a backing vocalist for the band in the ‘70s. Huntsville’s Stephanie Jennings was a Grateful Dead tour photographer in the ‘80s.

Over the decades, the band performed at Alabama venues including Tuscaloosa’s Memorial Coliseum, Birmingham’s Boutwell Auditorium and the Birmingham-Jefferson Civic Center. In 1980, the Dead released the single “Alabama Getaway,” a patchouli boogie off their “Go To Heaven” album.

Before his Dead & Company run, Burbridge was already jam-scene royalty. He was a member of the Allman Brothers Band, from 1997 to their 2014 finale.

“The Allman Brothers have something uniquely Southern that I am glad I will always carry with me,” Burbridge told AL.com in 2015. “Most of my favorite American music started in the South. Things like the Allman Brothers Band, James Brown, the Hampton Grease Band, Dr. John, Allen Toussaint, The Meters, Bill Monroe and so many others could only have happened down South.”

Burbridge is a Washington D.C. native and recent Boca Raton, Florida resident. He first made his name with cult-faves the Aquarium Rescue Unit. Along the way, he’s been a part of Tedeschi Trucks Band and side projects like Vida Blue, also featuring Phish keyboardist Page McConnell and New Orleans drummer Russell Batiste, Jr. He also fronted his own band, Oteil and the Peacemakers.

Of his time in Alabama, Burbridge recalled in 2015, “I used to love the out-of-the-way Indian and Thai restaurants. I was glad for the slower pace of Bham after being on the road. With the Allman Brothers Band, the band members lived in six different states. It didn’t matter.”

This is an opinion column.

Fascinating times, indeed.

Here we are, a week away from SEC Media Days, the dawn of a new football season. Let the speculation begin!

For now, we’re talking about the even more distant future as recruiting news robs much of the oxygen.

And it’s the trend lines that are so … fascinating.

Alabama’s been on a recent tear with several five-star commitments. It currently has four (according to the 247Sports composite) or five (according to On3).

Either way, the Crimson Tide has more of the highest-ranked recruits than anyone in the nation and a class that ranks No. 5 according to both services.

Auburn is either No. 86 (247Sports) or No. 80 (On3).

The Tigers have just seven commits compared to Alabama’s 19. None of the other top 100 teams has fewer than eight pledges as of July 7.

Again, Auburn has seven.

That’s an outlier. A statistical anomaly that hasn’t gone unnoticed.

This is an Auburn program that, despite stagnant on-field momentum, has a recruiting tailwind. It signed the No. 8 class in the 247Sports composite last year as it dominated the roll tide rival with in-state talent.

Now it’s sandwiched between Texas State and San Jose State in the national rankings.

The Tigers are a distant 16th among the 16 SEC teams as none of their peers have fewer than 10 commits. Vanderbilt has 16. Now, they’re a very-Vanderbilt band consisting entirely of 3-star prospects, but they more than double Auburn’s seven.

What are we missing?

The situation — or at least the public perception of it — is dire enough to warrant a comment from Auburn athletics director John Cohen.

This is notable since Cohen isn’t the first to jump in front of microphones and cameras but he did just that last Wednesday at an event for donors in Alexander City.

His message: Wait for Aug. 1.

That’s the first day a 2026 recruit can receive a written scholarship offer that includes a revenue-sharing number.

“There are some real things that are about to take place,” Cohen told reporters Wednesday in Alexander City after describing a hypothetical scenario where a recruit receives a monetary offer higher than what a current starter is receiving.

Like Freeze’s comments from the same event, there were heavy implications of impropriety elsewhere.

“There are some really new things on the horizon that have never happened before,” Cohen continued. “And I’m here to tell you we’re going to do this the right way. We’re going to do it just like Coach Freeze just mentioned. We’re going to be honest. We’re going to be forthright and we’re looking very much forward to August the first and dates beyond.”

Neither Cohen, nor Freeze specifically said what they were doing that was right or what others were allegedly doing wrong.

The numbers behind the situation suggest that Auburn is taking this path alone. They’re currently outside any pattern or strategy that’s visible through oral commitments from rising high school seniors.

It’s also worth noting that Cohen is putting his name and reputation on the line by being so outspoken and breaking a pattern of operating outside the media landscape.

There’s certainly a united front behind this Auburn approach to Year 1 of the revenue-sharing era.

Still, Cohen was asked last Wednesday about the possibility that they’re taking the wrong approach and their peers who are lapping them in recruiting are right.

“Yeah, we’re going to cross that mountain when we get there,” Cohen said while saying any third-party NIL offer has to count against the revenue-sharing cap of $21.5 million.

“Let me illustrate,” he continued. “You have an $800,000 offer and school says we’re going to give you $400,000 in rev share. And we’re going to give you $400,000 through a third party. I’m not 100% sure that everybody in this country is operating under that premise. Which is reality.”

Interesting.

So we can set our watches for Aug. 1 to see if the world burns or if Auburn remains on its recruiting desert island.

One thing’s clear: The Tigers have pushed their chips to the center of this poker table with a rules interpretation that clearly differs from the pack.

No doubt an interesting time to be the most conservative recruiter on the block when trying to end a streak of four straight seven-loss seasons.

But here we are.

A fascinating time, indeed.

Michael Casagrande is a reporter for the Alabama Media Group. Follow him on Twitter @ByCasagrande or on Facebook.