Since getting online today, you’ve probably seen posts remembering the events of  Sept. 11, 2001. There’s not enough space in this article to contain everything that’s been said about what happened that day.

Conspiracies and controversy aside, there’s another layer of 9/11 that deserves its own spotlight: Christian nationalism, a once fringe political view that merges ultra-conservative Christian beliefs with conservative politics that has been embraced by more than half of Republicans, according to Brookings Institution since that tragic day 22 years ago.

Christian nationalists are a diverse group with varying degrees of influence in American politics. They often advocate for policies that align with their interpretation of conservative Christianity, including on issues such as abortion, LGBTQ+ rights, religious freedom, and education.

While they are a minority, they can have a big impact on elections by mobilizing their base of supporters. They often form a significant part of the conservative or Republican voting bloc, which can influence the party’s platform and candidate selection.

For instance, one group closely associated with Christian nationalism that’s been effective at mobilizing supporters is Moms for Liberty, a group of conservative, mostly white moms that are taking on their local school boards to limit sex education and human rights education in K-12 classrooms. Americans United for the Separation of Church and State called them a “Christian Nationalist Front Group” earlier this year.

Last week, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis appointed Moms for Liberty co-founder Tina Descovich to the Florida Ethics Commission, which has power to interpret the state’s political ethics laws and implement the state’s financial disclosure laws.

More than half of Republicans believe the country should be a strictly Christian nation, either adhering to the ideals of Christian nationalism (21%) or sympathizing with those views (33%, according to data from the Public Religion Research Institute, which has been tracking Christian Nationalism’s prevalence in American culture.

A Pew Research Center survey also found that 78% White Evangelicals believe they have been “losing” on political issues important to them and more than half of Republicans support Christian Nationalism.

This group has been linked to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the capitol and a number of loud but influential politicians like Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA).

What is Christian nationalism?

Christian nationalism is a political ideology that combines American identity with a conservative form of Christianity. It emphasizes a particular version of Christianity that aligns with ultra-conservative values and views “people like us,” who are primarily white, conservative Christians and natural-born citizens, as the chosen ones who should control the political process.

This ideology often seeks to privilege and ascribe moral worth to this specific group over others, promoting policies and actions that limit the participation of certain Americans in civic life, including voting. Christian nationalism is seen as a threat to a pluralistic and democratic society because it promotes anti-democratic goals and values, often using religious narratives and symbols to advance its agenda.

Reckon spoke to two religion and politics experts Christian nationalism about 9/11 and the political web woven in the years since. Bradley Onishi is a political science professor at Skidmore College and the University of San Francisco. Paul Djupe is the author of the blog “Religion in Public Life” and a political science professor at Denison University.

These are the top three ways they define Christian nationalism’s role polarizing post-9/11 America.

1. Ushering a new era of Islamophobia

On Sept. 18, 2001, then-President George W. Bush visited the mosque at the Islamic Center of Washington to show support for American Muslims and ask people to keep from retaliating against peaceful American Muslims who were unassociated with the attacks.

That tone changed, though, in the following years, Onishi said. In his view, he can draw a line from 9/11 to the controversy over former President Barack Obama’s birth certificate.

“I don’t think we ever could have gotten to ‘I can’t vote for Obama because he’s a Muslim’ without the Islamophobia that came from 9/11,” Onishi said.

Before 9/11, American Muslims weren’t viewed as dangerous in the same way they were following the attacks, which ushered a new sense of fear and speculation around people perceived to practice the faith or be from the Middle East, Onishi explained.

While the number of American muslims is growing, they still face negative public perception, a 2021 survey by Pew Research Center found.

“Nationalism was put out into the public sphere. Americans became more comfortable realizing those sorts of notions explicitly, starting with 9/11, especially about foreign policy. This made it easy to target former President Barack Obama, who was elected in 2008,” Djupe said.

This also had an effect on American elections. There are around 3.5 million Muslims in America today, making it the third largest religion in the country and an influential voting bloc.

Islamophobia was also a hot topic in 2017 when former President Donald Trump issued a ban on refugees from predominantly Muslim countries, another extension of the belief that Muslims are violent.

Trump expanded those travel restrictions again in 2020. Other travel bans have continued to affect Muslims even in 2023. An organization called No Muslim Ban Ever has supported a bill called the “No Ban Act” that would limit a president’s ability to restrict people from entering or leaving the country.

Since the 2000 election, Muslim voting habits have changed, especially since the conspiracy surrounding Obama’s birth certificate–a conspiracy Trump popularized before he was elected. Obama was elected in 2008, and the right’s outcry over his birth certificate and religion he might have been born into also fueled Islamophobic sentiments.

Data show that before 9/11 American Muslims were split between Democratic and Republican to now mostly Democrat. Surveys show nearly 70% of Muslims voted for former President George W. Bush in 2000. More surveys show Muslims made the switch to the Democrat ticket because of Islamophobia with now around 70% of Muslims saying they identify as Democrats.

The Islamophobia born out of 9/11 has had significant impacts on American Muslims’ social lives, especially young people.

“Internalised Islamophobia is more prevalent among younger Muslims who have faced anti-Muslim tropes in popular culture, news, social media, political rhetoric, and in policy,” said Zahra Jamal, associate director of Rice University’s Boniuk Institute for Religious Tolerance  for Aljazeera in Sept. 2022. “This negatively impacts their self-image and mental health.”

2. Marking a new chapter in the history of white Christian nationalism in America

Both Onishi and Djupe expressed that 9/11 was in no way the beginning of Christian nationalism in American politics, but it did start a new chapter in the country’s nationalist history.

This nationalistic worldview not only includes political expectations but also gender expectations that are used in creating legislation, Onishi explained.

“I think 9/11 was the start of a new chapter of Christian Nationalism in America, especially related to masculinity and purity culture,” Onishi said before pointing to the Promise Keepers–a Christian men’s movement started by football coach Bill McCartney.

What some now may consider a “softer” version of masculinity –being comfortable with crying, expressing emotions and grace instead of authority–was actually being promoted by the Promise Keepers before 9/11.

The controversial men’s group, The Promise Keepers, was once holding events where men were encouraged to hug one another and cry in the 1990s. After 9/11, none such could be seen in any religious men’s groups.

While this group has a similar name, the Oath Keepers are not related to the Promise Keepers while both claim the Christian faith. The Oath Keepers are a highly homophobic White Nationalist group closely associated with the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol.

“I mean, it really was a game changing moment in some ways, and others it was really a continuity of what had gone on for a very long time. I don’t think Christian Nationalism in politics started on 9/11,” Djupe said.

The highest Gallup presidential approval ratings ever were recorded in the week afterward, with President George W. Bush clocking a 90% approval rating in mid-September 2001. Bush was elected to another term.

Sen. John McCain was the Republican nominee in 2008, but Djupe said he didn’t capture the political right. He also turned down endorsements from controversial religious leaders.

“He referred to the Christian right as agents of intolerance in the 2000 election. He just wasn’t fully embraced by the Christian right un in 2008, in part for that reason,” Djupe said.

3. Created the Patriot Act, which changed American personal liberties forever

The Patriot Act was also created in response to 9/11, granting law enforcement and intelligence agencies expanded powers for surveillance, investigation, and counterterrorism efforts. The continues to have a significant impact on today’s world and political climate.

Djupe explained that the Patriot Act in particular caused a marked sea change among both Democrats and Republicans in office at the time.

“There was clearly a patriotic, national kind of sentiment, and obviously that propelled support for the war, but also support for the government and trust in government,” Djupe said. “That allowed the government to push the Patriot Act is sort of a rollback of some civil liberties protections of Americans.”

Not only did the Patriot Act allow international law enforcement to share information with the United States, it gave law enforcement more ways to investigate threats coming from inside our borders, including more ways to spy on Americans without their consent.

While the far-reaching secret provisions of the act were subject to sunset clauses (expiration dates), Congress has already made 14 of the provisions a permanent part of American surveillance law and set new sunset dates for other parts of the act.

“The Patriot Act really sent a signal that people were willing to roll back some of their rights and liberties in pursuit of the bad guys wherever they, wherever they might be,” Djupe said.

The Act allows for the collection of vast amounts of data, including telephone records, financial records, and internet communications, which has raised concerns about mass surveillance and potential infringements on privacy rights.

A bill introduced earlier this year looking to ban social media platform TikTok was being labeled the Patriot Act 2.0, citing the law could open the door to unprecedented surveillance to Americans.

Conclusion: Let’s stop the cycle of violence

There are many lessons learned, taught and still being taught to American leaders and citizens since Sept. 11, 2001. When it comes to faith, foreign policy and the freedom of all Americans, there’s a lesson to be learned about violence, Djupe said.

“I think the things to remember are that nations are always vulnerable,” Djupe said. “Taking aggressive stances on foreign policy is really important to domestic security. We need to be wary after such incidents, to gather evidence and to be careful about our responses, so that it doesn’t just engender a cycle of violence like 9/11 did.”

Data collected by Human Rights Watch found FBI reported that the number of anti-Muslim hate crimes rose sevenfold, from twenty-eight in 2000 to 481 in 2001, a seventeen-fold increase. The American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee reported over 600 9/11-related hate crimes committed against Arabs, Muslims, and those perceived to be Arab or Muslim, such as Sikhs and South Asians.

While the number of Muslims in America has grown since 2001, they still feel the pressure of anti-Muslim sentiment fueled by 9/11, according to a recent survey from Pew.

“Sept. 11 will always be a day of infamy and, and pain for the country,” Onishi said. “But unfortunately, for the ultra nationalists, a lot of those seeds that have grown into even bigger versions of American exceptionalism were planted in the responses to 9/11.It’s a really good reminder that hurt and tragedy can become generative events for more hurt and tragedy.”